During the war in Gaza Strip, France has consistently maintained that its military exports to Israel were limited to defensive purposes or intended for re-export.
However, a newly released report by pro-Palestinian organisations claims that French companies and transport hubs have continued to support Israeli military operations “through supply chains that have bypassed public scrutiny”.
Recall that in October last year, French customs officials conducted an unannounced inspection at the headquarters of Sermat, located near Paris.
The investigation focused on the company’s transactions with Elbit Systems, Israel’s leading arms manufacturer. Just a day earlier, authorities at Paris Charles de Gaulle Airport had intercepted a shipment of alternators produced by Sermat.
These components, used by Elbit Systems, are fitted into drones widely deployed by Israeli forces in Gaza.
The intervention followed revelations by investigative outlet Disclose, which reported that Sermat had also supplied electric motors used in Israeli drones, including the Hermes 450 model. That aircraft was linked to a strike in April 2024 that killed humanitarian workers from the World Central Kitchen.
In response to the findings, French authorities quietly imposed a ban on all Sermat exports to Israel. At the time, Disclose reported that the move amounted to an acknowledgment that “there is a real risk of exported components being used in the bombardments” that have now killed more than 72,000 people in Gaza, according to local health officials.
Since the early stages of the conflict, France has repeatedly insisted it does not export lethal military equipment likely to be used in Palestinian territories. This position was recently reaffirmed by Catherine Vautrin.
In a social media post on April 4, Vautrin stated that French exports to Israel were confined to parts for “defensive systems designed to protect civilians”, such as the Iron Dome, or to shipments destined for assembly into weapons that would later be exported to other countries.
Critics argue that the distinction between defensive and offensive use is often unclear, and that oversight ends once the components are delivered. In the case of Sermat, Disclose highlighted regulatory gaps, noting that its contracts with Elbit Systems initially related to unarmed surveillance drones and were therefore exempt from stricter “dual-use” controls.
Sermat is one of several firms named in a report released Tuesday by Urgence Palestine and People’s Embargo for Palestine. The 66-page document, titled “Exposing French military shipments to Israel”, outlines the continued transfer of French-made components to Israel’s defence sector throughout the Gaza conflict.
Drawing on open-source export records, the report documents “more than 525 shipments of military goods (that) have been shipped from French manufacturers to Israeli defence and aerospace industries” between October 2023 and March 2026.
The shipments reportedly include “actuators, optical components, and batteries for avionics and ground systems; ammunition links for rifles and machine guns; as well as sensors for armored vehicles and forgings for artillery systems”. While none are complete weapons, the report states they “represent a continuous pipeline of military hardware to Israel, directly facilitating the technical infrastructure of its assaults”.
When approached by FRANCE 24, the French finance ministry declined to comment, while the defence ministry pointed back to Vautrin’s earlier statement. Meanwhile, the French government has moved to dissolve Urgence Palestine for “inciting hatred”, a decision that has drawn criticism from UN-appointed human rights experts.
The report also highlights the logistical role of French infrastructure, particularly airports and seaports, in facilitating military shipments to Israel, including transfers originating from the United States. It notes that the FedEx hub at Roissy-Charles de Gaulle handled 117 consignments containing components from Lockheed Martin, essential for maintaining Israel’s fleet of F-35 fighter jet.
“As a signatory to the Geneva Conventions, the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT), and the Genocide Convention, France is legally and morally bound to ensure that its industrial and state exports do not facilitate serious violations of international law,” the report concludes, adding that the evidence suggests “these obligations have been breached through supply chains that have bypassed public scrutiny”.
As early as January 2024, the International Court of Justice warned of the “risk” of genocide against Palestinians. By September, a UN human rights commission stated that the risk had materialised, stressing that countries were under a “legal obligation to use all means that are reasonably available to them to stop the genocide in Gaza”.
Some European nations have responded by tightening restrictions. Spain and Belgium have implemented arms embargoes on Israel, while Spain has also prohibited the use of its ports and airports for the export of weapons, dual-use technology, and military equipment bound for Israel.
Elsewhere, particularly in Italy, dockworkers have taken independent action, at times refusing to handle shipments of military equipment destined for Israel.
Elsewhere, most notably in Italy, dock workers have taken matters into their own hands, sometimes refusing to load military equipment onto ships bound for Israel.
In June last year, similar protests were seen in multiple French ports. Dockworkers at Fos-sur-Mer refused to load crates of ammunition links onto a vessel headed for the Israeli port of Haifa. The action followed another investigation by Disclose, which identified the port as a key transit point for spare parts used in machine guns.
The components were manufactured by Eurolinks, consisting of small metal links that connect bullets and enable rapid-fire capability. Rights groups say such parts have likely been used against civilians in Gaza, including during the February 24, 2024 “Flour Massacre,” when large numbers of Palestinians were killed or injured while attempting to access aid.
At the time, then defence minister Sébastien Lecornu said the export licence granted to Eurolinks “relates solely to re-export” and “does not entitle the Israeli army to use these components”. He did not clarify how compliance with those terms would be enforced.
French defence firms contacted by Disclose and Le Monde offered similar responses, stating that responsibility lay with Israeli clients to adhere to export conditions.
Military ties between France and Israel have cooled significantly since the start of the Gaza war, with Paris adopting a more critical stance and at one point barring Israeli companies from participating in a major arms exhibition.
A parliamentary report released last year indicated that France approved more than 200 dual-use export licences to Israel in 2024, valued at €76.5 million—a 60% decline compared to the previous year. That figure is expected to drop further, though not necessarily due to French policy changes.
Last week, Israel’s defence ministry announced it would halt all procurement from France, accusing Paris of taking a hostile position. Instead, it said future sourcing would focus on domestic production and suppliers in “friendly” nations.
Despite the announcement, analysts believe the move may be largely symbolic, noting that existing agreements are likely to proceed and that private-sector deals could still continue.
